Macron investigated: in France every now and then the “Deep State” emerges clearly

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On Leek Soup it reads: “Bombshell news from French politics. President Emmanuel Macron he is being investigated for alleged illicit financing. “Le Parisien explains how the preliminary investigation was launched by the National Financial Prosecutor’s office last November, and would concern alleged suspicions about the regular conditions in which certain public contracts were awarded to the American company mckinse.

Many remember the role that the French Deep State had to liquidate an already moribund Fran Hollande and what he exercised (accompanied by the appropriate media) to take out a too” Catholic ” Gaullist candidate as Fran F, thus paving the way for Emmanuel Macron. That today such a bungled Elysee (from Russia to Africa, from Germany to Italy) ends up in the crosshairs of the judiciary, is it just a case?

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On Ant Giovanni Guzzetta he writes: “An example of the distortions of a discussion that deserves much more composure and seriousness emerges from the president’s polemic De Luca with the minister Calderoli, holder of the competent dicastery. De Luca, however, in good company with other (not all) governors of Southern Regions, believes in his statements that, around the issue of autonomy, we want to consume a split of the country to the benefit of the Northern regions, further increasing inequalities unfortunately overt. The paradox is that if, on the other hand, you abandon the terrain of controversy and statements, and look at the facts, you discover that De Luca himself, in 2019, transmitted to the government, in the person of the president Count, a proposal to start negotiations for the conferral of differentiated autonomy to Campania. The news is not only relevant in itself, but also for the content of that proposal, especially on two particular profiles around which the controversy is most heated. The first is that of the subjects to be conferred. In the proposal of Campania also appear, for example, education and health, those on which the most heated are the tones of the clash”.

Vincenzo De Luca is a perfect defender of the Campani that he represents. With a party in disarray, to play his role as “defensor” he is forced, however, to focus more on demagoguery than on a policy of reform. Sin.

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On Subsidiary Antonio Fanna he writes :” In October, the polls closed, Bonomi he criticized the executive that was about to take office, in which the League had blocked his way. In July, he cajoled the future majority, in October he criticized those who wanted to introduce ” flat-tive immagin Fornero. That Bonomi said that “the two great emergencies are energy and public finance”. It’s time the government he intended two-thirds of his first maneuver to compensate families and businesses cut by expensive energy, here comes another Bonomi that criticizes Giorgia Meloni for ” the lack of vision” and funds, while admitting that “it is good that the bar on public finance has been kept straight”. There is a Bonomi contiano, there is a Draghian one, there is the pallonaro one and the Melonian one (if he had been a minister). Nuanced the armchair, now we find ourselves the anti-Melonian one who disputes the ” lack of vision”. It would be interesting to know what his really is”.

There will be malice in this reconstruction of the Subsidiary, but it is a fact that when Confindustria is not led by a real entrepreneur (in my memories the best were, from the eighties onwards, Vittorio MerloniLuigi Lucchini e Antonio D’Amato) and relies on confidustrials rather than industrialists (from Luigi Abete a Luca Cordero di Monzemolo up to Carlo Bonomi), the risk of feeding very little transparent intrigue, instead of representing the interests of a fundamental social class, is very high.

On New Daily Compass Ruben Razzante he writes: “Since the Meloni government took office, the honeymoon spell that has always accompanied the advent of a new premier has been broken. In this case, then, it is also the first female premier, which would have suggested a greater prudence in criticism. Instead against Giorgia Meloni a real firing squad was immediately deployed. All or almost the most titled newspapers, after shaking the bogeyman of the possible return to fascism in the event of a victory of the center-right and the consequent isolation of Italy on the international stage, have changed cloth and have started to bombard the current government for what in reality, in words, the leftists would have done if they had won the elections”.

The press must do its job as a watchdog of civil society over political institutions. He does it as he wants and as he can. The value of free discussion comes from freedom, not from abstract rules. Do it with net deployment choices (in a phase of crisis of the parties, there are several newspapers that have replaced the functions), or trying to assume a third role (today both Corriere della Sera and il Sole 24 ore strive to hold this position). When tested with a vocation “not prioritized”, even with natural inclinations now more liberal now more conservative, they prefer to devote themselves to political maneuver instead of a critical but articulated information, it is not illegal to ask what are the objectives of the properties that have chosen certain directors and certain lines.

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